How Mohanlal got spooked: Behind the scenes of Empuraan apology

Welcome to this week’s Powertrip, a political newsletter exclusively curated for TNM and NL subscribers by Dhanya Rajendran, Shabbir Ahmed, Pooja Prasanna, and Nidheesh MK.

In Kerala, all the buzz – political and otherwise – is about the controversy surrounding the movie Empuraan. When Powertrip spoke to BJP sources and industry insiders, we found that it wasn’t a censorship battle or an ideological clampdown. So why did Mohanlal hasten to apologise?

And will Tamil Nadu BJP president Annamalai resign, perhaps paving the way for the re-entry of the AIADMK into the NDA?

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How Empuraan apology and cuts happened – without BJP having to do much

For all the noise surrounding Empuraan – the allegations of portraying the BJP in a poor light, the partisan depiction of the Godhra riots, the social media uproar – you’d think the Sangh Parivar had launched a full-blown offensive. But sources inside the BJP say the party hardly lifted a finger.

At the BJP’s state core committee meeting last Friday, a day after Empuraan was released, the movie was discussed briefly. “Not even five minutes,” said one attendee. Leaders agreed to let the film run its course. “We didn’t want to hold a protest march or call for a boycott,” this person told us. The concern was strategic: going after Mohanlal publicly could backfire, rekindling uncomfortable conversations around the Godhra riots and projecting the BJP as a communal force in Kerala – a tag the party has worked hard to shake off in the state.

Interestingly, the first to blink wasn’t the BJP – but the filmmakers. What really spooked Mohanlal, insiders say, wasn’t a party diktat but the orchestrated buzz online: a Hindutva cyberspace swarm, a pointed Organiser article, and even commentary from national figures like RSS’s Nandakumar.

Even before the party had decided to stay quiet, Mohanlal and producer Antony Perumbavoor were already on the phone with senior Sangh leaders – longtime friends and well-wishers, not foes – fielding concerns and trying to gauge the scale of the backlash. Gokulam Gopalan, another heavyweight producer of the film and a familiar face in all-party circles, was reportedly just as worried. It may be recalled that Gopalan, who is the chairman of the Sree Gokulam Group of Companies, had sponsored a massive sand portrait to honour Prime Minister Narendra Modi on a visit to Kerala in January 2024, weeks after he was interrogated by the Enforcement Directorate in connection with the Karuvannur bank scam.

The concern wasn’t about right-wing retaliation per se – it was about perception spiralling out of control. The behind-the-scenes buzz suggests that Antony even reached out to veteran producer Suresh Kumar, despite their very public spat just days ago over rifts within the Kerala Film Producers’ Association. Ironically, it was Suresh’s wife, actor-producer Menaka, who is said to have mediated a quiet backchannel conversation between the filmmakers and BJP-RSS figures. Everyone involved wanted a swift, face-saving resolution, something that would placate angry voices without blowing things up.

A draft apology was prepared and floated among key players. Major Ravi, the retired army officer-turned-director and Kerala BJP vice-president, initially praised the movie, then turned sharply critical, accusing it of anti-Hindutva messaging. But Ravi softened after reading the apology and flagged it publicly on Saturday. Mohanlal posted the statement on his social media accounts the next day.

What makes this episode more intriguing is how interlinked all these players are. In the larger scheme, this was less an ideological face-off and more a family feud. Everyone involved has some version of a friendly relationship with the Sangh. Mohanlal’s ties with the RSS-BJP stretch across generations. S Sethumadhavan, a senior RSS leader and Akhil Bharatiya Karyakarini Sadasya, has been a frequent presence at events organised by Mohanlal’s ViswaSanthi Foundation. Major Ravi himself is a managing director at ViswaSanthi. Gokulam Gopalan, known as much for funding movies as political campaigns, is a seasoned player who backs leaders across the aisle.

Prithviraj, the film’s director, comes from a family of ideological range. His maternal grandfather, Kainikkara Madhavan Pillai, was a Gandhian so deeply committed to the Mahatma’s ideals that he lived with a form of self-imposed austerity – reportedly eating minimally – after Gandhi’s assassination. Prithviraj’s mother Mallika, on the other hand, had publicly urged voters to support Modi and Rajeev Chandrasekhar (now BJP Kerala chief) in the last general election. She came to her son’s defense on Sunday, posting on Facebook that he’s being unfairly vilified, and clarifying that Mohanlal had in fact seen the film – Empuraan’s script was narrated over six hours and key riot sequences were shown before final edit, according to a crew member we spoke to.

Murali Gopy, the film’s writer, has stayed outside overt affiliations but has long crafted narratives that find favour with right-leaning audiences. His ideological ambiguity – sharp critiques of the left, raising alarms about social media hoaxes like Mullaperiyar dam’s immediate collapse, and his comment that “RSS is definitely a part of our society” – has kept him within the range of Sangh comfort. His films leave enough room for interpretation without taking firm ideological positions, which is partly why this backlash seems to have caught the team off guard.

Even more curious is how Empuraan cleared the Kerala CBFC panel without much pushback. The state board includes members with direct Sangh links: GM Mahesh (former ABVP state secretary), Swaroopa Kartha (wife of a staffer in the Governor’s office), and Roshni Das (wife of a former BJP state committee secretary). Online right-wing handles didn’t spare them, accusing them of letting the film slip through.

Sources said it is the result of a view that this board held even before Empuraan: CBFC certifies, it doesn’t censor. Mahesh initially defended the panel’s decision, saying that the film doesn’t explicitly mention Godhra and allows viewers to interpret the opening riot sequences as they wish. He added that a 22-second rape scene had been cut to four seconds and a communally charged dialogue referencing the national flag’s green colour was also trimmed. Given the film’s scale and investment, the board decided to handle the edits quietly and not invite a larger controversy.

Mahesh has since gone silent, likely following directions from the party leadership. Almost all BJP leaders have stopped talking about the movie, or have been dodging questions. The BJP’s internal messaging is now clear: avoid further noise, stop commenting, and move on.

In the end, this wasn’t a censorship battle or an ideological clampdown. It was a friendly fire incident among people who are usually on the same side. The BJP didn’t need to bring out the big guns – because everyone on the other side was already dialling their number.

Annamalai to step aside?

Is Tamil Nadu BJP president Annamalai stepping down to facilitate the re-entry of AIADMK into the NDA? This question has dominated discussions in Tamil Nadu’s political circles ever since the meeting between Tamil Nadu opposition leader and AIADMK General Secretary Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) and union Home Minister Amit Shah on March 26.

The meeting was significant for two reasons. First, it was a clear indication that Shah was personally handling Tamil Nadu’s political affairs and wants AIADMK back in the NDA fold for 2026. Second, the absence of BJP leaders from Tamil Nadu, including party president Annamalai, at the meeting.

Moreover, while the meeting was underway, Shah posted a clip on X (formerly known as Twitter) declaring that there will be an NDA government in Tamil Nadu in 2026. He also confirmed during a TV channel summit that talks between AIADMK and BJP were ongoing to forge a stronger alliance in the state.

It was evident that the BJP high command had sidelined Annamalai, as he was against a BJP-AIADMK tie-up. Shah believes that AIADMK’s exit from the NDA ahead of the 2024 Lok Sabha polls was a blunder, costing the NDA more than 10 seats. AIADMK did not leave the NDA due to ideological or political differences; it exited because of Annamalai.

Though the BJP high command was surprised by this development, they let it go because Annamalai had assured them that the party would win more than 10 Lok Sabha seats and that the NDA would secure a 25 percent vote share. 

However, the INDIA alliance’s sweep, led by the DMK, was not only an embarrassment for the BJP but also difficult to digest. Currently, the BJP has four MLAs in the Tamil Nadu Assembly and they want the representation to continue in 2026 as well. 

Party insiders say the BJP’s long-term strategy involves the AIADMK, keeping in mind the 2029 general elections in which Shah could be the potential PM candidate. Hence, he wants to maintain a cordial relationship with allies in the south. 

Sources in the BJP said that even before Shah began his Tamil Nadu assessment, Annamalai was cautioned against making statements about AIADMK or the alliance. This time, too, Annamalai submitted his political report on Tamil Nadu, but the BJP top leadership has not accepted it.

After the meeting with AIADMK leaders, the BJP high command summoned Annamalai to Delhi and informed him that he had to cooperate with AIADMK. Annamalai, who knows the art of political gymnastics, is for some reason reluctant towards a BJP-AIADMK tie-up, and attempted to convince the leadership against it, but ultimately agreed to comply with the high command’s decision.

The decision to make Annamalai resign as state president hasn’t been taken fully yet though the suggestions have been strongly made. If it does happen, it will also depend on how Annamalai behaves. 

And if the BJP high command decides to replace Annamalai, MLA Nainar Nagendran – who belongs to the Mukkulathor community – tops the list. BJP Mahila Morcha President Vanathi Srinivasan and Prof Rama Srinivasan from Madurai have also expressed interest in the position.

The dilemma is how and where to accommodate Annamalai and what will his role be in the party. Sources say, similar to Union Minister L Murugan, Annamalai will be elevated but that may not happen immediately. 

So all eyes are on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Tamil Nadu on April 6, after which party leaders feel that things will be clearer.

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