Reporters Without Orders Ep 373: JP Nadda’s rise, Maharashtra voter roll

This week, host Pratyush Deep is joined by Newslaundry’s Shivnarayan Rajpurohit and Sumedha Mittal.

Shivnarayan talks about his profile of BJP president JP Nadda, diving deep into his rise from an ABVP worker to the president of the world’s largest political party. He also sheds light on the Chetna Sansthan, an NGO run by Nadda’s wife which received significant corporate and government-linked CSR funding after the BJP came to power.

Sumedha talks about her report which looks at an unusual surge in the number of voters in Devendra Fadnavis’s constituency in Nagpur South West between the 2024 Lok Sabha and Maharashtra elections. A section of poll staff told her about alleged lapses in the manner these voters were added to the electoral rolls. 

Tune in.

Timecodes

00:00:00 - Introduction

00:02:36 - J P Nadda

00:21:59 - Unusual spike in the voter roll

00:33:20 - Recommendations

Recommendations

Shivnarayan

Sir

Sumedha

Official Secrets

Pratyush

The Bilaspur blueprint: JP Nadda’s political rise and the parallel growth of his family-run NGO

In 6 months, Fadnavis seat added 29,219 voters. Poll staff claim lapses

Produced and edited by Saif Ali Ekram, recorded by Anil Kumar.

This is a Newslaundry podcast and you're listening to Reporters Without Orders. 

Pratyush: Order. Order. Welcome to another episode of Reporters Without Orders, a weekly podcast where we discuss what made news, what did not, and what absolutely should not have. And today we are joined by two of my colleagues, chief Nara and Sumedha.

Welcome to Reporters Without Orders. 

Shivnarayan: Thanks pratyush.

Sumedha: Hi, Pratyush. 

Pratyush: Hi sumedha and sumedha report is coming on the voter roll in Maharastra. While shiv has recently done a very interesting profile of BJP president, J.P. Nadda, after long time, I think you worked on it for two months or more than that. 

Shivnarayan: Uh, I worked on it for one month and then we were waiting for reply from, uh, JP Nadda.

So that's how it got delayed. Uh, like 

Pratyush: how, how it got delayed because we were waiting, 

Shivnarayan: uh, on April 14th, I sent a questionnaire, detail questionnaire to JP Naras team. So [00:01:00] we gave them, first, we gave them one week's time, then they, certain extension, uh, then, uh, the India Pakistan conflict happened. Then I think the BJP was busy, uh, uh, addressing questions around the conflict.

Uh, then we gave them two more weeks. So that's how it got delayed. Hmm. But, uh, the reply never came. Oh, okay. 

Pratyush: And in case of Sumida, I think it is your continuation of the report that you'd, uh, done in December Last 

Sumedha: year. Yeah, last 

Pratyush: year about voter suppression. 

Sumedha: Yeah. 

Pratyush: So it is on the same line. I mean, 

Sumedha: we cannot call it voter suppression, but it is about more, which hint at the possibility of manipulation of voter rules, which is like wrongful deletions of genuine voters and wrong additions of fake voters, which hints at.

Hmm. 

Shivnarayan: That, 

Sumedha: so yeah, this is something, this time we have looked at me and my friend v we who, uh, was formally a professor at IAT Delhi. Okay. So both of us have looked into what has happened into [00:02:00] maa because, I mean, I'm sure all of us must be following the controversy, which broke out after this piece in the Indian Express calling mash elections a match fix.

So our story. Kind of 

Pratyush: yes. Answers a lot of questions. We'll, we'll, we'll get back to Sumedha and we'll discuss about her story. But first, let us go to Shiv. So, Shiv, your, uh, story's headline is the SPO blueprint. J does Political Rise and Parallel Growth of His Family Run ngo. So my first question too is why this BLA blueprint?

Why it is in the headline, 

Shivnarayan: uh, SPO blueprint, uh, first, uh, is from spo, which is, uh, geographically centrally located district in Maal Pade. And when JP Nada was studying at Al Pade University, so he fought, uh, couple of elections. First election he lost. Second he won as, uh, a BP President. Hmm. So. What kind of techniques he employed when he was fighting the student polls.[00:03:00] 

Hmm. Um, breaking the left Unity, uh, what he did, uh, uh, for how he campaigned, uh, during elections. So that was a kind of blueprint that he still carries with himself. So that's why Blas two blueprint. 

Pratyush: Okay. Interesting. Very interesting. But, uh, uh, I, I might be confused, but so far I know, uh, NATA was born in.

Brought up in Patna. Right. So why, how come his political career started in Hial? Like what is the trajectory? 

Shivnarayan: Uh, so, uh, na uh, Nadar comes from, uh, the family of academics. His father was, uh, uh, uh, teaching, uh, his father taught, in fact, at Patna University. Then, uh, he was also vice chancellor of, uh, ranch University.

Uh, so, and Nanda was born and raised. In, uh, in Patna, uh, where he did his schooling. He also studied law at Patna University. Hmm. Uh, so when he was studying law, he was also part of a BP uh, team. Uh, there, uh, so-called, he, uh, cut [00:04:00] his, uh, he learned the political ropes from Patna University and at the time, JP Movement, I mean, he said in one of, one of.

One of his addresses that, uh, he was also part of JP movement. He learned a lot from JP Movement at that time. Okay, so then, uh, then the family moved to, uh, mla. Uh, that's where he continued his highest studies. He, um, he came to Hi Paris in 19 19 80. Uh, and, uh, then he fought his, uh, first elections here in him university.

Pratyush: So what is his present political clout in Al? Because, uh, like, you know, we know about j Tucker and other player Ki Bza p players from the same state. So how is NA's Al Taku? Yes, Andra Taku is also there. So how's, uh, like what is NA's position in the state politics? 

Shivnarayan: Right. So, uh, if I could tell you how he started his, uh, electoral politics as well as, [00:05:00] um, um, uh, other facets of politics, uh.

He fought his first election in 1993 and, uh, there were, I think eight to 10 BJP MLAs elected. So, and he was appointed opposition leader at the time. I think he was around 32 years old. So for such a young, uh, first time MLA to become opposition was a huge, was was big achievement for him. Right. And there were many senior leaders.

And, uh, 1993, he was in opposition. 1998 again, he won the election from spo. Hmm. Uh. Uh, 9 98, he became Forest Minister. He was also in charge of Parliament, TFS, uh, 2003, he lost election. Okay. And, uh, the reason what people told me the reason was that, uh, uh, some veteran leaders did not, uh, like, uh, the rise of, um, JA Perada and due to infighting, um, infighting led to Nada's loss.

But I was spoke with, uh, the other [00:06:00] side of the story is that. Uh, Nanda has Nanda at the time, gave a lot of power to his, uh, personal assistant, uh, who goes by the name Kashmir Singh. Um, so all the questions, all the grievances were directed to Kashmir Singh. So Kash Singh would handle, uh, complaints of, uh.

NA does, uh, I mean, people living in, um, uh, in spo, so, so there was no connect. People were saying that the, so Nanda was, uh, slightly disconnected from the, uh, from the electorate in spo, so that that resulted in his loss in 2003. Okay? 2008, again, he fought the elections and he won. And, uh, 2008 du Al again became chief minister of Hi Pade and.

As I said, Al and Naah, uh, had a lot of differences at the time. So Naah thought that it's better for me to go to Delhi and, uh, and pursue his political career. So I, um, one of the, uh, one of the aids, uh, from Nada's team told me that, [00:07:00] uh, that, um, Nada's character such that he would not, um, he would not create, uh, stumbling blocks for somebody.

I mean, if somebody wants to stop him, he would just. Take a different route. Okay. Like he, he, his, his, uh, he's not like kinda confronting. Yeah. His nature is not confrontational. Okay. So, uh, so that's why he came to, at the time, um, in 2010, 11, um, RI was, was BGB President and he was looking for fresh, fresh faces for his.

Team. So Nanda was called, uh, to Delhi, and, uh, he became General Secretary, national General Secretary. Mm-hmm. Uh, that's how his innings, uh, in Delhi started. But as of now, uh, BJP leaders have told me from the states that, um, they told me that, uh, right now Naah is the undisputed leader, uh, of the party. Uh, because in two.

2022 assembly elections. Nada had a big say in ticket distributions and at the time, but BJP [00:08:00] lost that election. BJP lost that election, so it, it was a huge blow, uh, to nada's image. Okay. Uh, at the time, we, we, we also saw, um, uh, one, uh, disgruntled BJP, uh, leader. He was denied ticket, uh, almar. So his, uh, his phone conversation with, uh, ne Modi went viral at the time.

Okay. And ne Modi was heard, uh, uh, pacifying, uh, Kalmar, uh, because, uh, somebody else got ticket from the same constancy. Mm-hmm. But Kalmar said that I had already filed my, uh. Papers as independent, it's too late for me to pull out. And Kema was not the only person who was, um, who was Rebel, uh, w turned rebel.

Uh, there were a lot of, uh, rebel leaders who stood, uh, against BGP, uh, candidates. Mm-hmm. So that shows that there, the Marchal BGP was undergoing some sort of churn. Hmm. Uh, uh, and, and Nada maybe, uh, wanted to install [00:09:00] his own people. So if, uh, uh, I mean, the idea was if BGP came to Power Nadab could become, uh, the chief Minister.

Hmm. Uh, in 2017, he also tried, I mean, he was also one of the front runners to become chief Minister. But, uh, uh, BJP, uh, central leadership, uh, chose, uh, uh, Jerome Tako. At the time, so 17, what happened? There are a couple of, uh, versions of which you can also find in the article I won't reveal because the story is behind pay and yes, I put in a lot of hard work, uh, to piece together this article.

Uh, but yeah, nadah Nadah has. Uh, good connection with the leaders he's trying to prop up. Uh, he's trying to create his own, uh, team, uh, there. Um, but at the same time, he's, he's not considered mass leader. Nada's power flows through his, his position because he's, he's, he's BGB president right now, so you can't, uh, uh, disobey BGB President's [00:10:00] directions.

Hmm. So. I don't know what will happen once he's replaced as BG president. 'cause he's 

Pratyush: now also a Minister of Health and Family Welfare. Yeah. Uh, he's a central mc minister. He's a 

Shivnarayan: union minister. He, he has, uh, two ministries under him. One is health and second is chemical and fertilizers. So Union Minister, I don't know what kind of influence, uh, union Minister would have in state 

Pratyush: politics.

He's most likely to be replaced very soon, like. Within months or weeks, that's the bus, right? 

Shivnarayan: The, I mean, the speculation has been, uh, has been rife since, um, lo by elections concluded. And, uh, now people are saying, uh, some leaders are saying that uh, it may the next elections to BG B President ship could happen.

By the end of July or early August. But first, BGP has to have organization pools. Mm. Uh, the, the first thing is that, uh, half of the states, uh, plus one should have BGP presidents. [00:11:00] So unless that is half of the state, half of the states across India plus one should have B, G. B. President, president, 

Sumedha: don't they already have?

Shivnarayan: No, there's a lot of, uh, there, there I, I'll tell you, Mara doesn't have Maharashtra up, tele Ghana and few other states don't have BG presidents as of now, and organization polls haven't happened. Oh. So once it's done, only then the central BGP president could be, uh, uh, could be elected. Mm-hmm. Uh, because not when NANDA was elected was chosen as president, he was.

Appointed by parliamentary board. Then the election happened later on in 2021 year later, I think after his appointment. Mm-hmm. Mm-hmm. And his term got away in 2023 and since then he's been on extension. 

Pratyush: Okay. So what, like, that brings like, you know, that raised another question that what would be his equations within the BAP.

AF after he know, uh, vacate his position as a BAP President. Mm-hmm. And like, what is his relation with the top two that we often see in the Modi government? [00:12:00] Modi Saddo, who decides most of these things and equations with this two matters more than any. Like other aspects, 

Shivnarayan: what happens after he's replaced and something that is for that we have to wait.

Uh, but what his position at the moment, what is his equation with Modi Sha Uh, one thing is clear that, um, nada within BGB circle circles is considered yes, man to Modi and Shadu. Uh, as you 

Pratyush: have said, he's not, he is not a confronting kind of person, right? As a politician also. So he 

Shivnarayan: takes his brief from Moisha and he doesn't go beyond what.

Moisha, uh, tell him to do, but, uh, I mean, BB just told me that he industrious and he, he's kind of person who will implement the strategies prepared by N Modi and Amitha. Uh, uh, but mostly, I mean, if you see how TV channels have portrayed his image during elections, during exit polls, we may have seen that if it's an exit poll.

Right. [00:13:00] And BGP, uh, is predicted to lose that election. Mm-hmm. So mostly you would see only JP Nadal's picture. That is true. I mean, in front of the BJP Tel. And if BJP is predicted to win the election, then you would see, uh, pri Prime Minister and Moody's picture. Mm-hmm. So that shows, I mean, of course, uh, it's no secret that how, how the media has been working over the past 10 years.

So BGB very well knows, uh, or maybe. They could be dictated from the government, uh, whose photo should be displayed on TV screens. Uh, we, I've given, um, few, um, a lot of exam, several examples like what happened in this election, what happened in Iran elections, whose picture was displayed at the time. That's right.

So, uh, and if, if there's a cabinet reshuffle also, then, um. Nanda is asked to call, uh, call those who are, who have, who have been shown the exit door. And those okay to specify them. I don't know to [00:14:00] what extent, but I mean, his, his job is to convey the message that this is what the leadership has decided.

I'm the messenger, 

Sumedha: so he'll be the good cop to the bad cop or the bad cop to the back. The yes. But isn't that the case with, um. All BJB presidents, they are, that they're supposed to be the executor. 

Pratyush: A mid-size BJP president was quite powerful. Like we have seen like, you know, how could be party. This has changed.

This has 

Sumedha: changed after like, HAI become the at, at the top. 

Pratyush: Yeah, in our 

Sumedha: other top, uh, leadership and now they just want the presidents to be the after 19, we can say 

Shivnarayan: after 2024, uh, general elections, there were a lot of articles on why BGP was reduced to two 40 seats, so there were a few articles that hinted at.

Uh, Amitha was trying to do everything. Amitha was, uh, actively, uh, involved in ticket distribution, uh, actively looking for regional partner partners, um, um, who should they join hands with in different states. Uh, [00:15:00] so everything he was trying to do, everything. So there was too much, I mean, he spread himself thin at the time, so people said that that could be the reason.

So that shows that Nanda does not have that much power within the organization setup of BGP. Uh, I mean, uh, when I was talking about, uh, why, where. Like, uh, when can next BG president election happen? So another reason why there's been, I mean, the elections have been on hold, is because BGP and artists haven't, uh, haven't reached consensus on who could be the next phase.

Pratyush: Uh, so Shiv, uh. Naah was also health minister in the central government. Mm-hmm. In past and at present as well. And he also served as health minister in Al Prade. So what is this health ministry in Naah thing like, you know, did you explore it? Did you find anything on it? Or what do you think of it? Like why he's always the health minister?

Shivnarayan: Uh, I think I did not explore this aspect fully, but uh. [00:16:00] Maybe this time, uh, why he was given health portfolio, uh, maybe n Modi was happy with his first thumb between 2014 and 2019. That was the period also when the health ministry launched Aman so-called Modi Care. Okay. And at the time he was also instrumental in bringing joint, uh.

A San State inspection of pharmaceutical, uh, or pharma manufacturers. Um, this is what health activists told me, but maybe naan knows how health ministry works at the center and that in the state. Hmm. Uh, but there were a lot of, uh, a lot of controversies when he was Health Minister al that we have. I mean, I've written about it in the article, so it's up to you.

Um, readers have used the check out, of course, don't reveal everything 

Pratyush: because it's under paywall. Yeah, it is behind the paywall. Yeah. So you have to subscribe to News Laundry to reach. She's very interesting profile of JP Nanda. I don't think, uh, there has been any profile of NADA before your piece. [00:17:00] 

Shivnarayan: I don't think so.

But maybe express a Hindu, they've written small articles on when somebody's appointed on PGPs. Yes. When he, when he was appointed or, uh, who is going to replace him. Hmm. But not, I haven't seen, 

Pratyush: but what about his wife's ngo? O because your headline, the first part that caught my I was the blueprint. And the second thing that caught my eye was the parallel growth of his wife's.

Nio, what is this nio, why you are calling it a parallel growth? 

Shivnarayan: This NGO O called TNA Stan. It was, uh, founded by NA's wife Malika, nada in 1999. So BGB came to power, uh, in 2014. Uh, since then. BGB has been in power. So we start looking at the funds received by this NGO. So mostly we could see only that the NGO started receiving funds from 20 14 15 onwards.

So, uh, this NGO has received funds, funds from [00:18:00] SJVN, which is, uh, center states, uh, public sector, u uh, unit, uh, SJVN, and then REC uh. Which funds, uh, power projects, it's a government under undertaking, and the government undertaking is daily because limited and NHPC, uh, so these, uh, four PSUs have contributed around five, uh, four crow rupees to this NGO.

Mm-hmm. So this NGO was built mostly with the PSU funds. Then there were private, uh, players also, which have contributed to what do they do actually? Uh, so. This kind of, uh, this is, uh, rehabilitation center. They also work, uh, uh, for women empowerment, uh, skill development programs. They run. Um, they also, um, work, uh, with the children with disabilities.

So these are the sectors that the NGO works in. Hmm. Uh. So I was talking about the private players, which have also contributed, uh, to this, [00:19:00] um, uh, this NGO. I mean, they are, if Tokyo Torrent Pharmaceuticals, okay. Fem Industries, Royal 

Pratyush: Orchid Hotels, these pharmaceutical companies donated the period when he was also the position of Saudi.

So torrent. 

Shivnarayan: Contributed when the was not health minister. Okay. It was, uh, uh, between, I think if I, in 20 23, 20 24, that's when Trump Pharmaceuticals contributed 3.3 ROEs. So the highest came from SJVN, which is based in he Peres, uh, 2.7 Core Rupees, then REC Limited, uh, which funds power projects two core rupees.

Then we, we cast limited 8.8 lag. Then five flag from NHPC. That's from 20 14 15 till now. 

Pratyush: Okay, interesting. And how did you find this out? 

Shivnarayan: Right. Uh, when I. Began working on, uh, this profile. I had no clue in a sense. I, I was not sure. What should I look at? Should I look at political profile? [00:20:00] Should I look at, uh, other aspects of nada?

But, uh, then I hit the ground. When you hit the ground, you start, uh, receiving a lot of leads, some leads materialize, some don't. Uh, in my case, many did not. Materialize. So I went to spo, met a few local leaders. They gave me a few leads. Then I visited, uh, uh, the NGO, uh, which is based in, in spo. Okay. So I visited that NGO.

I wanted to want to know how it works in what. Sector. It works. How is benefiting the communities over there? Uh, so there, I saw it's a, a sprawling building, um, huge, uh, area they have where there's a playground for children. Mm-hmm. Uh, the building is three, three story tall. So when I went inside, I spoke with the administrator, KMI Sing, who is longtime associate of JP Nanda.

Now he's, he keeps low profile. [00:21:00] Okay. So I met him. So there I saw a couple of three, four plaques. I. Saying that this was funded by this company, or this was funded by this company? So I came across SJVN, so the name S JN was there. So I was not sure what SJVN. So then I called up a few people who knew Nadal, uh, who have tracked Nadal's political, uh, career.

So they told me SJ is PSU, and, uh, we should look at, uh, SJV and track record, how much they're funded, how much they've given. To this NGO, uh, in CSR funds. So that's how it started. Then I started looking for more, right? More psu. That's how it started. Yeah. 

Pratyush: So Schiff, uh, we'll come back to you again. Uh, but Sumedha, uh, as we were talking about political success, uh, you have long been trying to find out whether political success can also be received through manipulation of voter list, right?

So am I right? 

Sumedha: Right. You are absolutely right. This is one of [00:22:00] those few subjects which I've been really interested in, and this is, uh, like elections. I'm in general, very much curious about. And, uh, this is something which, you know, um, can answer questions about whether Indian elections can be rigged or not.

I mean, a lot of manipulation takes. Place in, in elections at Panaya and corporation level. But, uh, I am particularly interested to look at what kind of manipulation can take at loba and parliamentary and assembly elections. So, yeah. So, uh, there's been a lot of debate since this Mara trial election results have come out.

Yeah. And so we try to look into how much of this, those allegations by Congress can be true. 

Pratyush: Mm-hmm. And this time you have Susan, the constituency of the Minister of Mahara. Yeah. 

Sumedha: Yeah. 

Pratyush: So what did you find? Tell us the story. 

Sumedha: Yeah, so, um, I'll first start from the fact that Congress has been saying that there has been, uh, the biggest spike in voters in the six [00:23:00] months period, which is between lo of by elections and assembly elections.

And they're saying that, uh, the number of voters have never increased the at. This scale in any elections, uh, before 2024. So, uh, Mara overall has around one lack booths, which means, uh, if you actually want to find out where additions, uh, maximum additions have taken place, you need to look at the data of.

You know, these many boots and it is, I mean, it's really tough to do that. Uh, so after our, like much before Congress had started these, you have done three series on, three 

Pratyush: part series on the same thing. Yeah. Last year deletion, right? Yeah. 

Sumedha: So last year after our series, uh, I was interested into looking into the fact that, can we.

Compute, sorry. Can we write an algorithm which would automatically, uh, you know, which would, which would automate the work of extracting data from water rules and, uh, you know, [00:24:00] uh, too technical to understand 

Pratyush: for people like me and she. 

Sumedha: I'm, I'm, I come from a computer science background. Yes. And, uh, and we have studied data structures and algorithms and in those subjects, our job was to make human work as easy as possible.

You write an algorithm, you, uh, of like some couple of sentences and then you get that algorithm to automa. Automate a lot of work done by for, for example, if you have to keep like some hundred objects from uh, uh, from box A to box B, then you get an algorithm to do it for you so that you don't need a human to do it a hundred times.

Okay? So. I, I was curious to know that if, you know, if we can apply the same, uh, sort of an algorithm to extract data of voter rolls from Mara and, uh, which would automatically extract data, put it and analyze that data, tell us that, you know, if the, if the additions and divisions are, uh, within the usual limit as mandated by Election Commission of India and then flag it.

[00:25:00] So while I was doing it, I got in touch with, uh, a for a. Uh, professor at I Delhi, he, his name is Vishal Weber, and he cracked this code and, okay. Yeah, and that's when we tried to took it forward. So for now, we have just, uh, taken a look at, uh, uh, NPU Southwest from where the vendor fund is, has been winning from 2009.

Uh, the assembly constituency has some 378 booths. So earlier what we would have to do was like, if we want to download a voter roll of any particular booth, uh, you are interested to look into, you'll have to enter a capture code mm-hmm. In election commissions or web, uh, in on the ecis web website. And then it'll take a couple of minutes for that.

Pdf D to get downloaded, then you'll have to go to the last page of that PDF where it would specifically mentions that these many editions and deletions have taken place okay. In one revision. So now we have got a code to do this for us and V shall, you know, uh, v shall did all of that work. But the allegations are [00:26:00] very, uh, sorry, but the findings are very interesting.

Uh, so. Uh, election Commission of India says that, uh, every year, uh, only 4% of voters are usually added, new voters are added on one booth. Hmm. In one electoral role. So, and the usual rate of deletion is 2%. Hmm. And if there are additions. Happening, which are more than 4%, this usual limit of 4%. Then there is something, uh, we, that needs to be investigated and therefore they have put in a lot of checks and balances mm-hmm.

By their senior level officials. Okay. So, uh, we, so when Congress started, you know, like Congress had started alleging that there have a lot of, a lot of allegations have taken place and like, 'cause this 

Pratyush: before article. 

Sumedha: Uh, yeah, I mean, right after the maa, like, uh, results of MAA assembly elections. Mm.

Congress has been alleging that, uh. Unusually high number of additions have taken [00:27:00] place in Mara, but an election commission in the response to Congress has said that this is something which is not unusual, and this has always happened. Hmm. But nowhere between, uh, in Congress allegations or Election Commission of India's response, they have said that, you know, the, whether, uh, nobody has tried to dig into the fact that whether these.

Additions are over the usual rate of 4%. Okay. Because that is where the devil lies. If it is more than 4%, then it has to be investigated as per norms mandated by Election Commission of India. 

Shivnarayan: Hmm. 

Sumedha: So what we found out, so we just took a litmus, did a litmus test on NA per Southwest assembly constituency in Maharastra, uh, and we found that this time, uh, 8% of new voters were added.

Okay. More, which is double than the usual Right. Rate of addition of voters, and this would translate into about 32,000 new voters in one assembly constituency between LOA by elections and with [00:28:00] Hanza by elections, 

Pratyush: which is just few months away, which is just six 

Sumedha: months away. 

Pratyush: Okay. Six months, yeah. Away from from each other.

Sumedha: Yeah. So. This assembly constituency has around 378 booth, out of which over 270 booth had deletion between 4% to up to 60%. Okay. Going up to 60%, that means like up to six, like around 58% of new voters were added on one booth. And if like, I'll, I'll explain it to my uh, viewers, that a booth, you can imagine a booth as small as a colony, so right.

What happened in that colony in that those six months, that F six, uh, that 60% of new voters were registered. 

Pratyush: Right. Do you have any such like strange figure in terms of one booth, like for example, if give, and it's not 

Sumedha: just one booth outta 378 booth. I'm saying it's like there are 270, so in 200, 

Pratyush: but how many people, like how many names have been added?

Sumedha: Uh, in 270 Booth? I [00:29:00] mean, I, um. Out of those 32,000 figures which have been added, most majority of the editions have taken place on these 278 books. 

Pratyush: Okay. 

Sumedha: I would say about over 80%. 

Pratyush: Right, right. That means like this, like it's of this, this could be 25,000, 30,000. 

Sumedha: Right. Yeah. Right. 

Pratyush: So 

Sumedha: yeah, and there have been like about, I would say some 60 booth where the additions range from 30 to 60%.

And that's 

Pratyush: mean How many people would be like voters? 

Sumedha: I mean, 60% of new voters in one booth would constitute to some 400 new voters or 

Pratyush: 400 new, 350 new voters. One colony. In one colony. 

Shivnarayan: Yeah, in one colony. So one booth would normally comprises of, say. 1000 votes. 1100. Between 800 to 1100 voters. 800 to 1200 votes.

Yeah. 

Sumedha: So if 60% you so now to 1500 basically, right? Yeah. It would have increased to 1500 and usual. And election commission itself says in its guidelines that the uh, one vote should have voters up to 1100, but this time they allowed up [00:30:00] to 1500 voters. This time, in some cases in two, I don't know if it is this time we have asked them this question that do they usually allow these kind of exceptions?

And, uh, I mean, at the time of recording this video, we haven't, uh, got any response from the Election Commission of India. Hmm. So. Yeah. So I mean, this is something which is startling. Hmm. And so I was curious Yeah. To know about if population behaves like this. Hmm. And I spoke to one of the former Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India, and his name is a AR Nanda.

He had conducted. Did 1991 census, and I asked him if he had seen this unusual spike in population. I mean, unusual spike in voters would mean there was an unusual spike in population. Either the, a lot of people had, uh, moved into that area or in, uh, or in early 2000. And a lot of people were born yeah, than the usual rate of birth who all turned above 18 this time?

Pratyush: Hmm. Or maybe many pe many new people have just resisted and they have not been voting for [00:31:00] years. For what? 

Sumedha: Exactly? There could be either three possibilities. So, 

Pratyush: uh, also migration, maybe zero. Yeah. One could migration that a new building 

Sumedha: has come up in that area and everybody has factory 

Pratyush: has come up in new area, 

Sumedha: not even factory.

We cannot say fact factory 

Pratyush: for example, thousand, 1500 workers. I mean, but 

Sumedha: in India, like usually, uh, the migrant workers, all of them would not get. Their, uh, right. You know, voter rolls shifted from, let's say, Bihar to Mara in just six months. Right, right. So that is something which, I mean, that usually does not happen in India.

So either migration from one city to another city. Mm-hmm. A new building has, and it's an urban city. It's, uh, this constituency is in the urban part of the city. So either a new building has come up mm-hmm. And everybody has start moved there and they got their voters themselves registered as new voters or I.

Or the other possibility. A lot of people were born in early 2000 and now they have all turned to 28, 18 plus, and they've got themselves registered. You know, I mean, that is that, that, that, these are the only two things which explain the reason that why [00:32:00] there has been such, this kind of a jump, at least in, you know, like, uh, I would say like 270 boots.

Mm-hmm. And, uh. So Mr. Aa, who is former registered general and Census Commissioner of India, he told me he had conducted under, under his watch, 1991 census was conducted, and he had told me that, uh, he has not experienced this kind of unusual spike in population anywhere in the country. And, but in 1991.

Specifically this witness, this kind of an unusual spike in voters only in Nagaland and Behar. Okay, so therefore he got his team to hit the ground again and investigate whether they're, the findings they have come up with. During, uh, in the first time what True. And they found out that in NGA land there were certain tribes who were trying to over enumerate themselves.

Okay. And therefore they f But in Bahar, they had find that there was a sudden migration from one place to another, which explained the spike in [00:33:00] population. Mm-hmm. So for, for Bahar, they had published the data, but for Nagaland, they had, uh, for the certain areas they had withheld the data and they said that, you know, they, this data is under question, so.

He said that, you know, it's, it's not common to witness these kind of spike in population, which, right. Which explains that, you know, we cannot, we won't witness this spike in voters as as well. But then also 

Pratyush: this raises the question on the EC itself. No, exactly. Commission key. What is like. What is the actually process of addition and deletion in the voter escape?

I mean, it's very simple for, for the viewers. Yeah. Yeah. 

Sumedha: It's very simple to, if you want to get yourself registered as a new voter mm-hmm. You have to fill a form six. You either give it to your booth level officer, or you've either filled that form online and then the booth level officer will visit your, uh, house to check whether you live there or not.

And, uh, we'll ask for residential proof and we'll ask for some ci uh, citizenship. Proof. And once those documents are verified, then you'll be registered as a new voter. [00:34:00] Okay? I mean, the process is very simple. So therefore, I spoke to some booth level officers in that area, uh, in, um, uh, specifically from those booths, which booth, which have witnessed this increase of 32, between 32 60% of spike in voters.

And I called like about 12 of them. Uh, and six of them replied to me and all of them said that. They have not registered. Okay. These new voters. Right. And they said that this is the, this was, uh, an unusual spike in voters and they have been the boot level officers of these booth from over a decade.

Mm-hmm. And in none of the previous elections, they have seen that. And this time, uh, the application form to add new voters were given to them by the district office. So there's nothing wrong with the district office to. You know, to hand to give forms to both level officers to, to register new voters. Hmm.

It's, the process can be [00:35:00] like, I mean, if you have applied online mm-hmm. Then your application can go to the district office. But what is unusual about is that the district O uh, a according to them was that the district officer, uh, the district office gave them forms in bulk, like. 200 of them, three, 300 forms to one booth level officers to go out and verify in such a short span of time.

And they said that, uh, all of them said that all six of them said that they were not able to trace these new voters and despite that these voters were registered. Hmm. So, but, and this is, did they vote also? That is something we don't know. I wish we could have found out, but in on one booth where the maximum number of editions have taken place, which is like 58%, that Booth had.

The biggest turnout of 63% and, uh, which, which is 10% even higher than the turnout of the entire assembly constituency. Mm-hmm. And BJP has one from that booth. 

Pratyush: Hmm. 

Sumedha: And, and 

Pratyush: how many votes are there? 5,000. I mean, there was some 

Sumedha: 1200, [00:36:00] 1300 votes on that booth and I think some seven 800 were 800 were cast and some 300 over 300 voters were added.

So, I mean, it explains that. The new voters who were added could have also casted their vote because the voter turnout is, is the highest. 

Pratyush: Yes. Mainly. Definitely. We can speculate, we can just soak what we have found out. Yeah, exactly. But the accountability lies on the election commission. No, 

Sumedha: exactly. So. 

Pratyush: Do you think, is there a lack of accountability despite like, you know, checks and balances, like this kind of checks and balances specified, but election commission itself?

Sumedha: Exactly. So 

Pratyush: what is happening, like in terms of accountability? 

Sumedha: I mean, uh, see, um, after Raul Gandhi's article, uh, chief Election Commissioner had also responded to it kind of indirectly saying that we have a lot of. Checks and balances in place, and therefore there can't be any lapses in wrongful additions or wrongful deletion or voters.

But in this case, the ECA com clearly says that the, that the ground [00:37:00] verification to add new voters is, is mandatory by booth level officers. But in this case, all six of them have told me that this has not happened. The second thing is, uh, it has, the EC has got like supervisor, so I 

Pratyush: have a question, uh, like, you know, if they're, they could not verify a voter like that.

200 voters like them, they got the forms, bulk of forms, 200 forms to them, and they had to verify them to what, like if I say I'm the boot per that person, and I say I could not verify them. Hmm. Does it mean that uh, he's not eligible for voter? That that guy who I could 

Sumedha: not, that person is not eligible to even register as, get registered as voter.

Forget, forget that person going out and work. So, 

Pratyush: so this person, but they got enrolled in the electoral role? Yes, 

Sumedha: yes. They were. Even the boot level officer was not able to verify his existence on the ground, 

Pratyush: but he, they were 

Sumedha: registered as new voters. 

Pratyush: Okay, so their name should be deleted if they cannot be verified.

Sumedha: Uh, I asked the same question from these boot level officers. They said that, you know, uh, we had [00:38:00] flagged this to the district office and they just didn't listen to us. 

Pratyush: They allowed this unverified voter to. 

Sumedha: To come. Yeah. To become part of the electoral rules. Yes, 

Pratyush: yes. To slip into the electoral rules, basically.

Definitely. So then obviously it has like ion commission as a kind of accountability. Exactly. 

Sumedha: There is an accountability and I, I mean, I mean, these are all valid questions to ask. Mm-hmm. I mean, you cannot, that, you know why there was a spike in voters double than the usual rate. Mm-hmm. And this is, uh, this is despite the fact that the, uh, increase in population of npu district has slowed down in the last 20 years.

Pratyush: Okay, 

Sumedha: so what explains the sudden rise in voters is, is something beyond my understanding. The other thing which I've found is that, uh, I did some, uh, manual close examination of these water rolls, uh, of some 50 booths, and I found out that about, uh, over 4,000 voters on these 50 booths [00:39:00] had no addresses. So these 

Pratyush: are, but they're voters.

Sumedha: But they're voters. Yeah. And how is this possible when Election Commission of India is asking for a residential proof to get you a, as a mandatory document to get you, to get to, you registered as a new voter? Hmm. So how are, how are these people sliping into voter rules, right. With no address? This. Mm. I had found a similar thing when, when I was reporting from Merit in Pradesh, and at that time I had raised this question with the Chief electoral Officer of Prh of Deep Singh Riva, and he had told me that this is a big problem across OT Pradesh.

That it has thousands of voters with no addresses, which cannot be traced. And he had told me specifically that they have been raising it with the Election Commission of India mm-hmm. To prepare an SOP to delete these kind of voters. Okay. Because usually the election Commission of India is very, uh, conservative when it comes to deleting voters because they don't want to steal away anybody's right to vote.

Right. So [00:40:00] the CEO of UP had told me there is no such SOP to delete these voters who cannot be traced. Mm-hmm. And we are now witnessing a similar kind of a situation in Maharashtra. 

Pratyush: Right. So we are coming to the last segment of the podcast, and, uh, last segment is about the challenges you faced while reporting on the stories.

Shivnarayan: Uh, there weren't many challenges as such. Uh, while I was reporting on this profile, uh, when I was in Al Pradesh, in Shimbala, in spo and one more district, uh. I mean, people were very, uh, open, open to talking about it. Uh, because I Perez, uh, uh, there were a lot of senior BGP leaders who have been sidelined and they've raised, uh, the flag of rebellion.

So they were very open. To talking to me. And when I was staying in Shimla, there's a small road, okay? I was staying very close to Mall Road, and that mall road is pedestrian friendly, so vehicles are not allowed, so everybody [00:41:00] has to walk. Uh, and, and, and that's also the seat of power. So on the mall road you'll see.

Uh, the powers that be of him, Pradesh, it could be from judiciary, it could be from the administration, could be from the politics, all walks of life. The, the, the top people you'll see on Mall Road. Mm-hmm. Uh, uh, during lunch break or, uh, or other kinds of break. So I met most of the leaders only on Mall Road.

Uh, also we did the BJP office, but Mall Road was, um. I was kind of mind feel for me. Uh, so lo so many sources and met them at the coffee, at the restaurant at different places. So one after the other. I kept meeting a lot of people, but here in Delhi it was slightly harder, uh, compared to him Perez because I was trying to reach out to few central leaders in Delhi.

Uh. [00:42:00] So I met a few of them, uh, but it was very hard. I had to chase them for, for weeks and weeks. I think in state leadership, uh, they, they're very open to talking about if you take them in confidence, uh, if you convince them this is the story and if they know your credentials to some extent, they, they would.

Spill some beans, but in Delhi it's slightly harder. So Delhi was a challenge and Marshall was cakewalk. And Sumida. 

Pratyush: What were your challenges? 

Sumedha: Pulling out water roll from Election Commission of India's website and extracting data from it. So, but we shall did that job and therefore we were able to do it.

And I think we need more collaboration of journalists with uh, uh, you know, like. With people from experts, from, uh, computer world so that, you know, we can do more such signs, stories, science and journalism needs more collaboration. 

Pratyush: But it is happening in international organizations. Like, yeah. 

Sumedha: Yeah. There 

Pratyush: has been many stories done like through right, using tech.

And other like, 

Sumedha: right. And I think [00:43:00] we need more such that in India. 

Pratyush: Yeah. Let's see, like even though code coders have now become part of many newsrooms, huh? I'm not sure about India, but in international organization coders have become part of the right media and it's 

Sumedha: a fantastic thing. 

Pratyush: Yeah. 

Shivnarayan: For data mining.

For data visualization, I think. Yes. Yes. 

Sumedha: And for other aspects also. I mean, uh, statistics can, if not investigate certain issues, but it, as Vishal all keeps telling me that statistics cannot investigate certain issues, but it can hint you, uh, toward, in that direction where you should be investigating things on the ground.

Right. So, 

Pratyush: yeah. So LA now recommendation shift. What is your recommendation 

Shivnarayan: for the week? So, uh, last month I watched an old movie, not that old, uh, it was released in 2018. The name of the movie is Sir. Uh, so the movie is about Ashwin, a US written architect, uh, who falls in love with his house help and how it, um, I mean, the emotions portrayed by, [00:44:00] um, director Gerra are very, very raw.

I, I, I would say, I think I explored it very late, but people who haven't watched it, please do watch this movie. Suma, what about you? 

Sumedha: I will recommend Official Secrets, which can be watched on Amazon Prime, and it's about a woman, uh, who used to work in, uh, intelligence Bureau of uk, uh, violated the Official Secrets Act of the State under certain special circumstances, and so must watch.

Very interesting. What about you? Great. 

Pratyush: See, I'm as like, I used to do some time. I recommend stories done by our guest. Yeah. So I recommend bot Steve and Sumeta stories for this week. So you guys should read it. What a very interesting story. Amazing work. So with this, this podcast is Adjo 

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