The need to bridge Karnataka’s north-south divide

Kumaraswamy’s proposal to make Belagavi the second capital is a desperate attempt to quell the grumblings in north Karnataka.

WrittenBy:T S Sudhir
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In the run-up to the elections in Karnataka, then Industries Minister in the Siddaramaiah government, R. V. Deshpande, floated the idea that Bengaluru should be the second capital of India. He argued that establishing a bench of the Supreme Court and holding the winter session of Parliament in Bengaluru will help in “deeper integration of southern India into the scheme of overall development”, and shot off a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Nothing was heard of the proposal after the elections, confirming that the trial balloon was only to make Bengalureans feel important.

Faced with an apolitical agitation demanding statehood for 13 districts in north Karnataka, H. D. Kumaraswamy has taken a leaf out of Deshpande’s book. He has promised to look at the possibility of making Belagavi, located 500 kilometres from Bengaluru in the Mumbai-Karnataka region, the second capital of Karnataka. A palliative that he hopes will kill two birds with one stone.

It will take the fizz out of the agitation and the bandh planned on August 2 in the northern part of the state, which sends 90 MLAs to the Vidhana Soudha (the legislative assembly) in Bengaluru. Also, pushing Belagavi’s case will make the Hyderabad-Karnataka region think twice about joining the separatist cause. That is because while the Hubli-Dharwad-Belagavi belt in the northwestern part of Karnataka will then develop as a result of government largesse, it won’t help Bidar, Raichur and Gulbarga on the northeastern side.

Though seen as backward compared to the southern part that includes Bengaluru, the northern part of Karnataka is divided into two sections that are distinct from each other. The Mumbai-Karnataka region where Belagavi is located, sees considerable Marathi influence in its culture. On the other hand, much of the Hyderabad-Karnataka region was part of erstwhile Nizam kingdom, and areas along the border have strong Telugu influence.

What is playing out is a familiar game. Just as his father H. D. Deve Gowda was, during his days as Prime Minister, derisively referred to as PM of Karnataka, Kumaraswamy is mocked by being called CM of south Karnataka. The reference is to the fact that the Janata Dal (Secular)—JD(S)—has just half a dozen lawmakers from north Karnataka, and its core strength is in the old Mysuru region. This is being used to paint a picture of a government that works only for south Karnataka, sowing the seeds of revolt up north. The optics of just eight ministers from north Karnataka in the 27-member Kumaraswamy cabinet does not help matters.

Kumaraswamy has tried to counter the criticism by pointing out that of the ₹2.18 lakh crore budget outlay that he presented, only ₹514 crore was allotted to the four districts that are considered the JD(S) pocket boroughs.

But Belagavi is hardly likely to celebrate. The town sees the entire government apparatus—close to 500 officials—shifting for about 10 days of the winter session of the Karnataka assembly every year. The entire exercise involves getting the Suvarna Vidhana Soudha in Belagavi—a replica of the original Vidhana Soudha built at a cost of ₹400 crore in 2012—up and running. This costs the exchequer up to ₹2 crore a day.

But the move to conduct the session in Belagavi was purely symbolic. At best, it served to send a message across to Maharashtra, with whom Bengaluru has been involved in a border dispute, that this part of the state belongs to Karnataka. Locals mock the exercise by pointing out that the MLAs and bureaucrats use it as an opportunity to indulge in Goa tourism, with Panjim just 100 kilometres from Belagavi.

The Congress and the JD(S) smell a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) plot to stoke trouble for its government ahead of 2019. BJP leader B. Sriramulu initially supported the separate state cause, only to do a U-turn soon. Former CM B. S. Yeddyurappa has publicly frowned upon the demand, but has used the episode to blame the JD(S)-Congress combine for making people of north Karnataka feel left out. There are also suspicions that Congress leaders who did not find a place in the Kumaraswamy cabinet may be extending tacit support.

On the ground, there is little support for the separatist cause. Locals say they have seen the fate of Andhra Pradesh, which is struggling for funds to build its new capital and attract investment. They point out that it is much more important to ensure that the 90 legislators from the region are made to work for its development, instead of focusing on a sub-regional narrative.

While the JD(S) has little to lose, thanks to its negligible political presence in north Karnataka, the Congress will worry if the BJP rides on this sense of neglect and milk it for electoral gains. It was an even battle in the May 2018 assembly polls with this Lingayat belt electing 45 BJP and 38 Congress MLAs.

Eager to ensure that the agitation does not spiral out of control and go the Telangana way, Kumaraswamy has promised to shift departments to Belagavi, promising to start with the transfer of one Upa Lokayukta and information commissioners. If the Suvarna Vidhana Soudha—which is now a white elephant—is used 365 days of the year, with administration closer to the people, Belagavi’s angst may just get addressed.

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