Former Indian civil servant from Jammu and Kashmir Dr Shah Faesal has been in the news recently after he resigned from the civil services to protest “unabated killings in Kashmir” and the “rise of Hindutva forces”. Faesal told Newslaundry that neither the US nor the UK will provide a solution to the Kashmir issue—only engagements with New Delhi will bear fruit.  

Here are edited excerpts from the interview.

What triggered your resignation from the IAS?

Something was going on in my mind since the last couple of years. It was the political situation in the Valley. I had a strange sense of helplessness that I was not able to talk about, not able to respond to, and others were also not able to respond about it. I was expecting some sort of political initiative from the central government in addressing the Kashmir situation so I thought I need to make a statement.

I wanted to make a statement for some time now but I thought now is the time to do it.

But you were part of the same system and government in 2016?

So the resignation is something available to you as a one-time weapon and tool. You cannot use it every time. It took me some time to choose the timing of my resignation because I wanted to make a really important statement. Yes, I wish I had resigned earlier but there is this battle always going on in your mind—that IAS was the only thing I had. I come from a very humble background so losing the job was not easy for me.

So, it took some time to convince my family, to overcome those battles inside my mind that I need to do it now.

In one of your interviews, you mentioned that Shujaat Bukhari’s killing was a trigger for your resignation.

As I told you, it [the idea of resigning] was going on for some time and I didn’t want a knee-jerk reaction to whatever I was doing. I had to take a well-considered decision. When Shujaat Bukhari died, as I was telling others also, it changed the fundamental meaning of life. If a person like Shujaat Bukhari can be killed, then any person can be killed in this conflict zone. He was one of the most promising leaders of our state. He was somebody whom everybody related to. So in his death, it was a personal loss. And his killing did make me fearless to some extent. I realised that there is nothing left to be scared of.

But don’t you think that you are more vulnerable now?

I do feel that I am more vulnerable now. But then I am also a strong believer in destiny. You have to die one day and it’s okay.

Was there any kind of pressure on you from own people or from separatists?

About what?

Your resignation?

Absolutely not. This has been a decision completely in my own mind. Maybe a decision facilitated by my stay abroad for some time which helped me look at things in Kashmir from a more detached angle. Those insecurities also got addressed to a certain extent—while holding an office, you think what will happen if I quit office? Once you’re away from the office, you realise there’s more to life than the 10-4 schedule.

What are your future plans? Are you joining any mainstream political party?

I came with the idea that I will join electoral politics and I will represent Kashmiris in Parliament. It might need temporary compromises to align with certain parties so that I get a platform. But then I saw the outpouring of emotions from the youth. I realised that this requires one more sacrifice from me: I have to choose the more difficult path where I may not get elected immediately. But what matters to me now at this moment is that I don’t trample the sentiments which have suddenly become associated with me. I can’t be selfish and do something which will hurt the emotions and sentiments of the people.

So as of now, you’re not joining anyone?

Yes, as of now, I am not joining any existing political parties. I am getting a sense of the ground by meeting a lot of people. I am somebody who has not been in active politics and not on the field. So I am updating myself.

There is a lot of buzz about you joining the grand old party: the National Conference. How true are these assertions?

There was a lot of buzz initially also about a lot of other parties. People thought I’m joining the PDP, the PC, the Congress, but that all speculation.

NC as well?

Everything was speculation.

Mirwaiz Umar Farooq has invited you to join Hurriyat. Would you join Hurriyat?

Mirwaiz never asked me to join Hurriyat.

But he tweeted?

No, no. I think he was just giving advice that I should choose my politics carefully.

Any thoughts about joining Hurriyat?

I have been repeatedly saying that Hurriyat is not a political party. It is a movement and it has its own struggles. Hurriyat people have been behind bars most of the time and it’s not an easy life. And honestly speaking, at this stage of my life, I am not ready for such a kind of struggle. I salute and respect their struggles.  

Will you float your own political party?

I have been getting youth from across the Valley—across the state, in fact—who want me to start a new platform for them. But as I told you, this is a new reality which I am grappling with. It’s not something which I expected to happen. I had chosen a very, very easy path to where I wanted to be. So I’m just trying to understand this and make sense of it.

What is your vision for the youth?

The biggest problem with our people is that the youth have lost hope. They believe that nothing can possibly work in Kashmir. They are caught between the devil and the deep sea. On one side, you have electoral politics which has completely failed the youngsters because it doesn’t represent their aspirations or provide them with good governance. So, you see young people protesting on the streets, cursing public institutions for corruption, crying for opportunities which are not available. At the same, they’re in despair because the Centre is not taking any initiative to bring peace to the place to address their aspirations.

So in this environment of despair, I want to tell the youth that we can try another alternative, another route. People in Delhi usually tell us, ‘You are not using democratic engagement or democratic process as a means for voicing your aspirations, as a means of expression.’ I say: let us give them an opportunity while staying true to their aspirations.

I’m not saying I’ve come up with a grand new vision or created a new vision. We already have many existing visions—autonomy, achievable nationhood, self-rule, right to self-determination. We are just going to deal with the processes which might lead to a discussion on these visions, like enlarging the political space in the state, giving people the space for dissent, reducing the military presence in civilian areas, doing something about the harsh laws which are in place, and going for a dialogue process because these are really doable.

Given the way New Delhi is handing Kashmir, do you really think these goals will be achieved? Mainstream politicians and Hurriyat have been asking for the same things.

These goals are very small goals. Demilitarisation, repealing of draconian laws and release of political prisoners—these are confidence-building measures. And I believe that if any elected government persists with the New Delhi establishment, that will help us end this culture of siege.

These are the same points Syed Ali Geelani put forward to initiate dialogue with New Delhi. If Delhi isn’t ready to provide Geelani ground, what makes you think they’ll give it to you?

I am asserting those demands one more time. I am not an alternative, I am the addition to the already existing voices. Others have not been heard so far, I may not be heard as well, but I am at least making some noise.

Are Imran Khan and Arvind Kejriwal your role models?

I [have] said they are my role models in politics because these people have built successful public movements by struggling for a long time, by being very zidi (inflexible or obstinate) about the things they wanted to do. I am also very zidi about the things I want to do in my life. So that is why I like their methods.

Let me get this straight: Shah Faesal is zidi?   

Zidi in a positive sense. I am not zidi in the short-term, I am zidi in long-term. I have a long time and know that I can struggle for a longer period. I am very patient.

Have you ever thought of bringing parties with different ideologies on one platform?

I wish. I am in conversation with all the people. I believe that in Kashmir, we won’t have any resolution unless all stakeholders come together at one table. We are a divided house and the enemy is dividing us further. When elections come, we see new political parties emerging from every mohallah, new candidates contesting elections. There are conscious attempts to divide the vote. I wish people come together and realise the crisis we are going through.    

You have said: “Kashmiris know what agencies can do and again, the agency angle is also totally understood. Kashmiris are not paranoid, Kashmiris are angry and heartbroken. I want you to give me six months and then judge me.” Can you elaborate?

Currently, there is a problem of trust in Kashmir. When somebody wants to do something, it is seen as intervention from the deep state. And rightly so because in a conflict zone, deep state is something which usually moves things around. So what I was saying is give me six months, and I’ll address this trust or mistrust. You’ll come to know of my intentions and see if I’m there for something good.

In your resignation letter, you labelled Indian Muslims as “second class” citizens. What prompted you to make such a statement?

I have not spoken about Indian Muslims as a Muslim. It is the voice of a human being who feels that the lynch-mob culture in India—which we have seen a lot in the last few years—has pushed Muslims to the wall. This is something which has really disturbed me for a long time.    

You stated that the people of Kashmir don’t see their future with India and yet you have decided to align yourself with that idea.

I haven’t said that. What I have said is that there is a sentiment in Kashmir and that sentiment needs to be addressed. We have to also understand that whatever we get, we will get only from India. Autonomy, right to self-determination, achievable nationhood—it will only come if India agrees to it, not from the UK or US or any other parliament. While Kashmiris don’t relate to the existing arrangement between the union of India and the state of J&K, whatever we are going to get will only be possible if we engage with India.       

Do you think that Pakistan creates a fuss in Kashmir?

I believe that India and Pakistan have held multiple rounds of talks in which Kashmir has been discussed. Pakistan sees itself as a stakeholder and had it not been so, there would have been no discussions between these two countries when it comes to resolving the Kashmir issue. I believe that India-Pakistan dialogue is one of the most important elements which can bring peace to the region.

Is Kashmir an integral part of India?

If you look at it from Indian perspective then yes it is. If you look at it from Kashmiri perspective it isn’t. So, it’s all about the position you take.

Where does Shah Faesal stand on the issue?

I propose to be the representative of people. India must respect the sentiment in Kashmir and try to address it.