Newspaper reports suggest that the leaders of the national opposition bloc, INDIA, are set to attend a dinner hosted this week by Congress leader and Leader of the Opposition, Rahul Gandhi. This is being seen as the first instance of the major bloc partners closing ranks since the parliamentary polls last year. While the gathering could produce flashes of solidarity, the allies are likely to remain wary of the Congress leadership. Their guarded response is shaped not only by the current political flux but also by their long-held perceptions of the Congress.

They have reasons to weigh a range of factors – some specific, others common – in shaping their equations with the Congress, which has positioned itself as the default leader of the bloc. Beyond electoral calculations and self-perceptions on the national stage and regional turf, there are larger questions the allies must not lose sight of in this moment of stock-taking.

First, the allies must consider whether they can align with the tone and tenor of Congress leadership – both in Parliament and in its combative rhetoric outside. Even if rhetorical excess isn’t necessarily a liability in competitive politics, the Rahul Gandhi-led Congress has often adopted a hyperbolic style in its attacks on what it now describes as a “fixed” system. Many may see such performative tactics as part of the game in today’s digital political landscape – but do these dramatic claims resonate beyond the bloc’s core voter base? In other words, do they convince fence-sitting voters who might otherwise be open to hearing different sides of the political argument?

This leads to questions about the stylebook adopted – or advised – for LoP Rahul Gandhi. In a parliamentary democracy, the leader of the opposition has the delicate task of offering sharp critique without letting rhetoric veer into hyperbole. This nuance has not always been reflected in how Gandhi has framed his polemic. Beyond his expected role of questioning the government, his political messaging often leans into conspiracy theories, suggesting institutional capture and evoking dystopian imagery.

This raises two important questions:

First, how does this approach serve his role as an alternate power centre?

Second, how does it help the Congress – or the bloc it leads – build credible lines of communication with new or undecided segments of the electorate?

In recent months, Rahul Gandhi’s tirades have included targeting constitutional bodies such as the Election Commission (EC), accusing it of “match-fixing” and “vote-stealing” – charges the EC has strongly denied as false and politically motivated. In politically polarised times, such institutional responses are often drowned out by the uproar and outrage these kinds of accusations spark.

It’s important to state the obvious: institutions must be open to scrutiny. Criticism of lapses in a logistical exercise as vast as national elections is valid. There is always scope for improvement – some I’s to dot, some T’s to cross. But recklessly assigning conspiratorial motives undermines public reasoning and contributes to narrative-building that relies on bogeymen and sensationalism.

Rahul Gandhi’s claims of institutional capture and democratic backsliding are not new – they have been central to his political communication in recent years, especially in recent months. This maximalist messaging may help Congress project itself as an aggressive national opposition force. But do other parties in the INDIA bloc wish to align with this messaging – where institutional distrust is not just expressed but weaponised?

At the same time, it’s not as if Congress is raising concerns in a vacuum. The BJP-led central government’s push for power centralisation, its use of investigative agencies, and efforts to expand its control have worried many regional parties – both those currently in power and those aspiring to win future elections. But the Congress’s rhetorical flourishes around these concerns have often gone too far, making some allies uneasy. For instance, earlier this year, Rahul Gandhi declared at a Congress press conference that the fight against BJP-RSS was, in fact, a fight against the “Indian state.” Alliance partners would have certainly preferred a more careful choice of words – a more measured portrayal of the challenge at hand.

Second, and arguably more important, the protection of political turf by regional allies continues to be a key factor in how they view the Congress – both at the national level and in their respective states. This conundrum led to the bloc’s first major exit: AAP. The party had allied with Congress in the last Lok Sabha elections, including in Delhi, but parted ways because its government in Punjab will face Congress as its main challenger in the 2027 Assembly elections. Even with its national party status, AAP cannot afford to lose focus on Delhi – where it recently suffered a setback – or Punjab, its only state in power.

Similarly, Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress (TMC) remains locked in rivalry with the Congress and Left in West Bengal, where Assembly elections are due next year. In the recent Lok Sabha elections, the TMC failed to reach a seat-sharing deal with Congress in the state – and little has changed since. Even in states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, where Congress has current alliances with the RJD and SP respectively, fresh rounds of negotiations and seat-sharing will likely prove contentious ahead of the Bihar Assembly polls and UP’s 2027 elections. These state-level dynamics are pivotal in determining the viability of the Congress-led bloc.

Third, it’s not just regional allies that must assert themselves – Congress, too, cannot afford to ignore the need to revitalise its own state units. In states like UP and Bihar, mere alliance adjustments reduce it to a secondary role – something that doesn’t energise its cadre, apart from a few leaders hoping for roles in a future coalition. These tactical seat adjustments can only go so far for a party that ultimately seeks to rebuild its own social base and electoral presence. In making concessions to regional allies, Congress has so far prioritised its role as the anchor of the national opposition. But over time, it will seek to reclaim initiative in states where it has long been electorally marginalised and organisationally depleted.

These factors form the subtext of both appraisal and engagement as INDIA bloc partners prepare to meet this week. As the central pivot of the bloc, the Congress will seek a symbolic revalidation – but its allies are likely to weigh their options carefully before any reset is attempted. Whether or not Congress’s high-decibel stylebook comes up for formal review, the real discussion lies in how the bloc’s members recalibrate their common ground – and how they plan to challenge the BJP-led government as a coherent, credible opposition.

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