It was the mid-‘80s. Independence Day was a holiday. I wanted to go out, play with my friends. But my mother sternly said, “Don’t go out today…who knows what will happen. Bombs may explode and what not.” That warning still rings in my ears every Independence Day.

Most of those born in the Manipur valley during the 1970s and 1980s will relate – those were the peak days of the insurgency. Insurgent groups led by the valley-based leadership made their stance clear through news dailies that Independence Day celebrations would be boycotted as a symbol of protest. They appealed to the public not to participate in any event, insisting that Manipur was forcibly annexed into the Indian Union in 1949. The call for boycott, which began in the mid-1980s, continues to this day.

The argument that India gained independence from British colonial rule at the cost of Manipur’s independence remains a major fault line – between propagators of restoring Manipur’s status and those who maintain Manipur was already a part of India. But that debate is for another occasion.

The BJP in power, and signs of trouble

From the 1980s, we crossed into the next millennium still grappling with corruption, political instability, and AFSPA; there was also the HIV pandemic, a fallout of widespread heroin addiction. An entire generation of Manipuri youth was wiped out during the 1980s and 1990s. On top of that, heavy militarisation and the imposition of AFSPA led to “fake encounters” or extra-judicial killings of over a thousand people. Some of these cases are now before the Supreme Court, yet the issue never seems to end.

Despite these inhuman experiences, we as citizens faced the challenges and managed to stand on our feet. The 15-year Congress regime headed by Okram Ibobi Singh ended in 2017, when the BJP – through whatever means – managed to wrest power from the Congress, which had more MLAs. The BJP, along with other parties, formed the government.

Former Congress minister N Biren Singh joined the BJP and became Chief Minister. Several policies aimed at resolving public grievances were announced, including Meeyamgi Numit (Public’s Day), when anyone could meet the chief minister and share their problems. All seemed hunky-dory, and the BJP returned with a thumping majority in 2021. There were music concerts late into the evening; people could go for long drives to the hills without fear; and the economy seemed to be booming, with tourists flocking to the state. Yet, beneath the surface, there were troubling signs: individuals picked up by the police and charged – often for criticising the BJP. Journalist Kishorchandra Wangkhem, for instance, was arrested three times for criticising the party and was even detained under the NSA.

Many among the public took the policies and the rhetoric of the BJP with a pinch of salt. Still, we were able to reconcile with the fact that there were no custodial deaths or fake encounters — at least people in lock-ups remained alive. 

A memorable chronology until a rupture

That fragile calm shattered on May 3, 2023. One need not recount in detail what has happened since: atrocities in broad daylight under the watchful eyes of the BJP and its central leaders; two communities who once lived together taking up arms, killing, maiming, burning, looting. Perhaps it is unprecedented in modern Indian history since Partition – two communities fighting and becoming entirely territorially segregated. The violence has continued in various forms for over two years. The divide is now deep and lasting – economically, socially, and politically.

Another dubious record of the BJP’s rule in Manipur is the looting of more than 6,000 weapons and lakhs of rounds of ammunition. How that was “enabled” is a million-dollar question and perhaps one will find out in time. How is it possible under the Indian Constitution for two communities to wage war against each other for so long? How is it that, despite 70,000 armed personnel deployed since May 5, 2023, atrocities against innocents continued? How is it that Manipur now stands divided into a valley and surrounding hills? How is it possible that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has not visited Manipur even once?

In the early days, many citizens must have sought succour in one form or another. Yet the mighty Indian state – with Modi and Shah at the helm – has not dared to address Manipur. Modi’s recent post on X, soliciting views from the public to add to his Independence Day speech, seems not only comical but insulting to the hilt to many citizens of Manipuri. 

Will the Prime Minister have the conviction to truly address the nation on the upcoming Independence Day celebration by referring to the plight of the people of Manipur? Will he see Indians as divided on caste, creed, ethnicity, and geographical locations, or will he have the capability to address each Indian as a human being? Will he uphold the rights of each citizen, adhering to the Preamble to the Constitution of India? To be a sovereign, socialist, secular, democratic republic with the objectives to secure justice, liberty, equality, and fraternity of all, including citizens in Manipur? These questions can also be linked to another question: Is the Constitution of India only for the citizens of other states in the Indian Union, sans Manipur? 

The blood of many innocents stains the fields of Manipur. One day, the answer to these questions may come — or not. But know this: our public is no longer listening to your Mann ki Baat. Our ears and eyes are filled with the screams and tears of too long a suffering. 

In the 1980s, one might have stayed away from Independence Day celebrations out of fear of separatist diktats and violence. But after living through all this hellish experience, the decision not to attend can come voluntarily – and from the heart. The question of “Are we truly independent, or are we still an oppressed nation?” is one every right-thinking Manipuri has been asking for the last two years.

The writer is the Executive Editor of The Frontier Manipur.

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